LEE Surname Meaning and Family History

LEE Surname Meaning and Family History Lee is a surname with many possible meanings and origins: The surname LEA, including the common alternate spelling LEE, was originally given to a person who lived in or near a laye, from the Middle English meaning clearing in the woods.LEE is possibly a modern form of the ancient Irish name OLiathain.LEE means plum tree in Chinese. Lee was the royal surname during the Tang dynasty.LEE may be a place surname taken from any of the various towns or villages named Lee or Leigh. Lee is the 21st most popular surname in America based on analysis of the 2010 census. Surname Origin:  English, Irish, Chinese Alternate Surname Spellings:  LEA, LEH, LEIGH, LAY, LEES, LEESE, LEIGHE, LEAGH, LI Where Do People With the Lee Surname Live? According to surname distribution data from  Forebears, which also brings in data from Asian countries, the Lee surname is most prevalent in the United States (ranked 15th most common in the nation), but most dense, based on percentage of population, in Hong Kong, where it ranks as the 3rd most common last name. Lee also ranks 3rd in Malaysia and Singapore, 5th in Canada, and 7th in Australia. Famous People with the Surname LEE: Robert E. Lee: Confederate general in the U.S. Civil WarShelton Jackson Spike Lee: American film director, producer, writer, and actorBruce Lee: Chinese-American martial artist and actorJoseph Lee (1849–1905): African American inventorJim Lee: comic book artist and publisher Genealogy Resources for the Surname LEE: 100 Most Common U.S. Surnames and Their MeaningsSmith, Johnson, Williams, Jones, Brown.... Are you one of the millions of Americans sporting one of these top 100 common last names from the 2010 census? Lee DNA Surname ProjectThe purpose of this Lee DNA project is to bring together those genealogists who are researching the LEE surname and its variants (LEIGH, LEA, etc.), with an emphasis on the use of DNA testing. Lee Family Crest: A Common MisconceptionContrary to what many believe, there is no such thing as a Lee family crest or coat of arms for the Lee surname.  Coats of arms are granted to individuals, not families, and may rightfully be used only by the uninterrupted male line descendants of the person to whom the coat of arms was originally granted.   Lee Family Genealogy ForumRead this archive of the former popular genealogy forum for the Lee surname to see what others who have been researching your ancestors have posted. This forum is no longer active. FamilySearch: LEE  GenealogyAccess over 9  million free historical records and lineage-linked family trees posted for the Lee surname and its variations on this free genealogy website hosted by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. LEE Surname and Family Mailing Lists RootsWeb hosts several free mailing lists for researchers of the Lee surname. In addition to joining a list, you can also browse or search the archives to explore over a decade of postings for the Lee surname. GeneaNet: Lee  RecordsGeneaNet includes archival records, family trees, and other resources for individuals with the Lee  surname, with a concentration on records and families from France and other European countries. Sources Cottle, Basil. Penguin Dictionary of Surnames. Penguin Books, 1967.Menk, Lars. A Dictionary of German Jewish Surnames. Avotaynu, 2005.Beider, Alexander. A Dictionary of Jewish Surnames from Galicia.  Avotaynu, 2004.Hanks, Patrick and Flavia Hodges. A Dictionary of Surnames. Oxford University Press, 1989.Hanks, Patrick. Dictionary of American Family Names. Oxford University Press, 2003.Hoffman, William F. Polish Surnames: Origins and Meanings.  Polish Genealogical Society, 1993.Rymut, Kazimierz. Nazwiska Polakow.  Zaklad Narodowy im. Ossolinskich - Wydawnictwo, 1991.Smith, Elsdon C. American Surnames. Genealogical Publishing Company, 1997.

Polygamy essays

Polygamy essays Why do people cohabit and not marry? It is a decision that entails many motives. Mistrust of marriage is increasing, as a result of very high divorce levels, which causes many to be cautious about entering such a legally binding relationship. Support for the religious views of marriage and many traditional moral standards are declining. There is more acceptance of unwed motherhood, homosexuality, premarital sex and divorce(baker, 1996). One-sixth of never-married cohabiting couples have a child that was born since they began living together.This represents a significant component of unmarried births (about a quarter) that are not born into single-parent households (Bumpass and Sweet, 1989a). Advantages for living in a cohabitation and as a temporary or permanent solution to marriage include the following. Marriage is much easier to end than a cohabiting relationship than a marriage. About 40% of cohabiting unions in the United States break up without the couple getting married, and this tends to occur rather quickly (Bumpass and Sweet, 1989a).This happens quickly because they cohabiting couples have a much easier time deciding financial subjects etc. The ease at enduring a cohabitation. Almost three times as many cohabiters think that their freedom to do what they want would be worse in a marriage than at present (Sweet, Bumpass, Cohabiting will effect future relationships in the following ways. Those who cohabit less than one year are most likely to marry, 1 to 2.9 years is in between, 3+ years of cohabitation is least likely to marry (NSHF, 1987-88). we know that cohabi ...

The Criminal Justice System of England and Wales Essay

The Criminal Justice System of England and Wales - Essay Example This is because the acts of the Parliament can override common law provisions. Moreover, its membership in the European Union requires it to follow the European community law. The World Factbook of Criminal Justice Systems also said that the legal system in England and Wales is "adversarial" in all courts, including the juvenile courts. Its criminal justice is the "historical pioneer" of the common law type of legal system. More often than not, the law evolves through the decisions made in previous individual cases while decisions in court influence certain perceptions and rules. Such practices might have originated from the fifth century while it was after 1066 when general perceptions regarding common law principles increased. Also, the World Factbook of Criminal Justice Systems added that England and Wales' common legal systems were derived from the Acts of Union of 1536 and 1542. Moreover, the late 19th and 20th centuries have witnessed a boost in the number and scale of statutes and of delegated legislation in British law. Just like in most countries, crime in England and Wales is classified and distinguished mostly on the basis of its seriousness. In addition, an offense may vary according to the procedure it is brought into trial. For example, if it's through a magistrates' court only, by indictment, or by the higher Crown court. It may also vary according to the sanction. Criminal responsibility in England and Wales is 10, so those between ages 10 and 17 are forced to face a youth court if they are charged with a criminal offense. Its difference with the court for adults is that parents of the child offender may be charged with fines which they must pay and supervise their child's behavior. In terms of drug use, the Misuse of Drugs Act of 1971 covers the terms and conditions. It listed drugs into classes A, B, or C. This act was intended to regulate the use and flow of drugs, according to the World Factbook of Criminal Justice Systems. And as in many countries all over the world, it is unlawful to produce, supply, possess, prepare, cultivate, and import or export and such substances. World Factbook of Criminal Justice Systems said that 1994 data shows that there were 5.3 million recorded offenses in England and Wales, this would include indictable offenses and summary offenses, 26 percent of which were cleared. About 729 of the cases were homicide charges and 220,000 offenses of violence against persons. Meanwhile, only 19,600.of these offenses were classified to be serious. During the same year, 5,039 rape cases were recorded which accounted to only one percent of the total recorded offenses. Meanwhile, an astounding 93 percent of the overall offenses were against property, including burglary, theft, criminal damages, and fraud. As for drug offenses, 17,569 cases were reported. Not surprisingly, about half of the total recorded offenses were to be found in metropolitan police areas while rural areas had the lowest crime rates. Judicial System According to The Criminal Justice System Review, the criminal justice system of England and Wales has changed drastically. This is because before the introduction of the due process, those

School Uniforms A Necessity or Just Another Extreme Policy Essay

School Uniforms A Necessity or Just Another Extreme Policy - Essay Example Though some might disregard it as trivial, yet the reality of the matter is that this very issue decides the basic foundation of our society and its regimentation. The issue that this paper would seek to analyze would be that of school uniforms; are they actually a necessity or just another ploy to keep the society in check. Whether it is in fact actually a matter of extremity of regulatory behavior or something that can hold the society fundamentals in place. School uniforms as we all are aware are common to many nations across the globe; used mostly in the primary and secondary schools. While the most widely recognized are those which are worn by students at schools, other types can be occupations such as nursing etc. If one was to examine the dress code itself, the normal pattern has been that of wearing clothes of more passive nature. In the United States, the scenario is such that though many schools do not have uniforms per see, they do have regulated dress code. The dress code limits the amount of skin that can be exposed. The limitations can be found for such garments that either have holes in them, or are obscene, gang-related or even unsafe in certain cases.( Millikan) However, certain elements of what this standardization has to be analyzed and studied before deciding the fate of these uniforms. As this paper would go on to prove, the requirement of today is the existence of these uniforms. The society of today has been considerable weakened by negative influences and such uniforms are required in order to hold together the foundations of our society. In the private schools such as the Catholic ones uniforms can be found as a common aspect.( Millikan) The above details highlight the fact that though there are none of the stringent uniform codes, schools still sticks to certain standards. The reasons behind are due to the government's requirements to create such a society in which acts of violence, obscenity are controlled. The American society is a society which strongly believes in the rights of its citizens ,at the same time, these rights are regimented within certain boundaries and by instilling these values form the primarily level, the governments hope achieve to goal. (The Star online,2008) The above paper has merely examined the sort of practices that prevail regarding the use of uniforms and the variations that can occur due to the type of control and interest that is exhibited by the government. Now, regarding the question of how efficient a role these school actually play as a tool of necessity or a weapon to subdue the masses from the foundation; a study which was published by David Brunsma and Kerry Rockemore states: "The findings indicate that school uniforms have no direct effect on substance use, behavioral problems or attitudes". (Brunsma & Rockemore 1998) This paper will go on to prove contrary to the above findings that school unifo

Reading summary 4 Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Reading summary 4 - Assignment Example First, hisba turn out to be a coercive, public power that may potentially punish individuals for holding to religious practices and beliefs; thus, violating liberal secular prescriptions for the religion’s good boundaries. Second, the subsequent legislations and the courts articulate hisba differently from how it is elaborated classically in the Islamic shari’a (Agrama 498). Shari’a aims at cultivating and securing certain moral values. But, the court judgments along with legislation hisba get articulated as a legal practice that connects with the protection of public order, public interest, religious beliefs and public order. Thus, explaining why it is hard to know if the country is a religious or secular state (Agrama 515). Therefore, the presented facts relating to present situations shows that secularism incessantly blurs along with politics and religion and its power depends on the precariousness categories it establishes. Thus, Egypt’s political-religious ambiguities express the deeper indetermination at the secular power foundation. Hence, the country is gradually abandoning its religion and adopting secularism following the introduction of different laws. Thus, it is not concluded if it is still a religious or a secular

Perspective on social sciences Essay Example for Free

Perspective on social sciences Essay Social science and social theory were to liberate the thoughts and thus aid social groups in deposing domination and repression. This formation of critical social science and social theory stands stridently at odds with the moderate positivist professionalism of mainstream sociology in the sense that it envisions human liberation as the highest rationale of intellectual commotion. Habermas has taken pains to argue that this decisive outset of social science and social theory is not opposed to what he calls the project of modernity, which commenced with the Enlightenment. Certainly, he contends that critical social theory, conceived as communication theory and ethics, accomplishes the project of modernity by further rationalizing social life in ways estimated but not completed by Weber. Though Habermas needlessly divides instrumental and communicative rationalities, much as Kant did, thus limiting the field of human liberation to communicative projects but leaving technology and its dominion of nature untouched, he masterfully reconceptualizes Marxism in ways that provide it empirical and political purchase in the present. Far from deserting modernism and modernity, Habermas argues that Marx was a modernist and that the project of modernity can simply be fulfilled in a Marxist way, although in terms that deviate drastically from the Marxist and Marxist-Leninist frameworks of the early twentieth century. Habermas supports the Enlightenments program of common liberation and rationality through (a reconceptualized) Marx. This assurance to the Enlightenment and modernity must absolve critical social theorists such as Habermas of the inductions that they are Luddites, antimodernists, anarchists. Far from inadequate academic life, including social science and social theory, to be abridged to didactic political education, Habermas wants to open academic life to genuine debate and diversity, which he theorizes in terms of his communicative ethics. though the characterization of left academics as bigoted supporters of political correctness is largely hype promulgated by eighties neoconservatives, many critical social theorists are especially hard on purveyors of multicultural identity politics, particularly those who derive from postmodernism. Professionalized liberal positivists, including numerous U. S. sociologists, conflate all theoretical heterodoxies, particularly where they argue that one should defend the disciplinary project of sociology against the wild men and women who would politicize sociology and social science at a time when reputable sociologists are fighting a rearguard action against budget slashing university administrators. These professional positivists marginalize all thought and research that do not kowtow to the strictures of supposedly value-free quantitative empiricism. This obliterates nuances: Habermas (1987a) takes postmodernism to task; Fraser (1989) urges Habermas and Foucault to be more overtly feminist. It also fails to distinguish that critical social theories hold rigorous analysis, objectivity, professionalism, even disciplinarily. Critical social theorists vary from professionalized positivist sociologists most sharply in arguing that the aim of knowledge is illumination and hence liberation, not the development of personal professional credentials or the progression of ones discipline. Critical social theorists snub Comtes model of the hard sciences as a symbol for their own work as they believe that positivism eradicated historicity and hence the possibility of large-scale structural change. Critical social theorists are unashamed to be seen as political, particularly when they agree with Horkheimer and Adorno in Dialectic of Enlightenment that the charade of freedom from values is the most invincible value position of all, taking up the present as a plenitude of social being and contradicting utopia. It is sarcastic that positivist sociologists in the United States who attempt to establish their discipline in the university by stressing its resemblance to the hard sciences, including both positivist quantitative process and grant-worthiness, also argue that sociology should eloquent what are called policy implications, particularly now that a Democrat is president. Applied sociology proposes state policies in realms such as health care, aging, social welfare, work and family, and crime. Positivist sociologists assert that sociology pays its own way by underlining its real-world applications suggested in the narrow technical analyses propagating in the journals. numerous positivist journal articles formulaically conclude with short excursuses on policy in this sense. This segue into policy investigation both legitimizes sociology in the state apparatus (e. g. , public research universities) and helps sociology evade a more fundamental politics the notion of policy implying moderate amelioration of social problems and not methodical change. As well, the discussion of policy enhances the grant-worthiness of sociological research, which has turn into a trademark of academic professional legitimacy. Thus, the shift from the sociological to the social on the part of significant social theorists who support interdisciplinary is intimidating to disciplinary positivists because it augurs the politicization of social theory and social science at a time while some believe sociology should put definitive distance between itself and its sixties engagements. The tired stand-up line of sociologys critics that sociology alliterates with socialism, social work, and the sixties symbolizes this preoccupation with the legitimating of sociological disciplinarity and explains why interdisciplinary approaches to the social are so threatening. The interpretive disciplines and sociology are moving in contradictory directions: Interpretive scholars and cultural critics acclaim the politicization of the canon, whereas positivist sociologists want to subjugate politics. Leading U. S. literary programs such as Dukes are awash in these new theoretical movements that hassle the obsolescence of canonical approaches to the study of literature and culture. In these venues, politics is not a afflict to be eliminated but an opening to new ways of seeing, writing, and teaching. Suddenly, with the invasion of these new European and feminist influences, traditional approaches to representation (depicting the world) in both art and criticism could no longer be trusted. Postmodern fictional and cultural theory blossomed in a post representational era, specifically the opposite of what was happening in positivist sociology, which clings more obstinately than ever to representation -achieved through quantitative method as the supposed deliverance of an embattled discipline. Not all versions of postmodernism are eligible as either social or critical theory. However, as Fredric Jameson (1991) has argued in Postmodernism, or, the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism, postmodern theory has the potential for new forms of neo-Marxist social and cultural investigation pertinent to late capitalism. Foucault, Jean Baudrillard, and Derrida make means for critical theories of the social, especially where they make possible the critical analysis of cultural discourses and practices that intimately resemble and deepen the Frankfurt Schools analysis of the culture industry. And postmodern theory has made it nearly unattainable for people in interpretive and cultural disciplines to approach texts as if the meanings of those texts could be revealed to presuppositionless, really positivist readings. Postmodernists drive home the point that reading is itself a form of writing, of argument, in the sense that it fills in gaps and contradictions in texts through strong literary practices of imagination and interrogation. Few today can approach the act of reading or writing concerning reading in the same secure way that they could read texts before postmodernism, before representation was quizzed as a severely theoretical and political project in its own right. A momentous number of sociologists and anthropologists (Richardson [1988, 1990a, 1990b, 1991a, 1991b], Denzin [1986, 1989, 1990, 1991c], Aronowitz [1990], Behar and Gordon [1995]) draw from postmodernism in reformulating both social science research and theory in light of postmodernisms influential challenge to positivist theories of representation, writing, and reading. However, it is clear that most American sociologists and others in neighboring social science disciplines not only distrust but deplore the postmodern turn for its alleged antagonism to science and hence objectivity, rigor, disciplinary legitimacy, quantitative method, and grant-worthiness. The new scholarship in humanities departments enlightens critical social science in that it reads cultural discourses and practices as ideological and commoditized and helps formulate more general hypothetical understandings of society. For example, the work of Jameson, the author of numerous vital books on cultural and social theory from Marxism and Form (1971) to Postmodernism, or, the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism (1991), clearly puts in to the project of critical social theory. Jameson is in dialogue with critical theorists and postmodern theorists. He develops a postmodern Marxism that learns from but does not give in to the detotalizing implications of postmodern theory. Although many of Jamesons references are from culture and literature whereas Habermass, for example, are from social theory and communication theory Jameson in effect does postmodern critical theory in his readings of works of literature, architecture, music, painting, and philosophy, presenting not simply close textual analysis but expanding his readings into oversimplifications quite similar to those of postmodern social theorists (e. . , Aronowitz, Luke) in social science disciplines. Cultural studies is intrinsically a pandisciplinary project in the sense that culture, as the Birmingham theorists conceptualized it, is not simply found in everyday life as well as in museums and concert halls but also disquiets a wide range of disciplines in the human sciences or human studies, broadly conceived. Almost no social science or humanities discipline falls outside of the potential purview of cultural studies, which could be seen as a theoretical perspective, a discipline, a corpus of writing, and even an investigative methodology. Like the Unit for Criticism at the University of Illinois, in which Cary Nelson, Lawrence Grossberg, and Norman Denzin had part-time faculty appointments, the CCCS at the University of Birmingham has brought together scholars from a variety of disciplines. Like interdisciplinary projects such as cognitive science, cultural studies is a perceptible interdisciplinary project collecting scholars who believe they cannot practice their interests in cultural studies within their home disciplines or who want to claim an individuality somewhat diverse from their disciplinary identities. By and large, scholars in humanities departments have been better able to do and teach cultural studies within their home disciplines, particularly where their home disciplines have embraced the new postcanonical, postcolonial, feminist scholarship. Social scientists have had a greater tendency to identify their interest in cultural studies outside of their disciplines proper, many of which have been indisposed to abandon their relatively narrow concepts of culture in favor of a more inclusive one or do not acknowledge the need to practice the study of culture outside of a discipline for which the study of culture has always been central, such as sociology and anthropology. This distinction between the ways that humanists and social scientists build up their identities, affiliations, and academic practices as cultural studies scholars is also replicated in their respective attitudes toward the matter of politicization. Although most scholars around the campus who do cultural studies are leftist and feminist, social scientists lean to position cultural studies as an empirical and theoretical contribution without close ties to politics, therefore legitimizing their work within fundamentally empiricist and objectivist disciplines. Humanists lean to embrace their close ties to politics, as the Birmingham scholars did, even arguing that curricular politics, including the politics of the norm and the resist to define and implement multiculturalism, is an important place for social change today. Cultural studies increasingly splits into politicized and apolitical camps, through the former group deriving from Marxist cultural theory and joining the influences of the Birmingham School, feminism, and Baudrillard. The latter group includes scholars who do not view cultural studies as a political project but somewhat as an occasion for deepening their own disciplines or working across disciplines. Much work on popular culture, such as that of the Bowling Green group mentioned, comes from this second group. Humanists are more probable than social scientists to belong to the first group. This is satirical in that left-wing and feminist cultural studies grew out of Marxist social and cultural theory and only later were modified by humanists such as Jameson to their own projects. In this sense, critical social theorists involved in culture tend to cluster in humanities programs, or if they work in social science departments, they are typically isolated among their colleagues. It is much more common to find gathers of culturally oriented critical social theorists outside the social sciences, for instance, in English and comparative literature departments and programs. Though these comparative literature students and faculty are more obviously and blatantly politicized than most of my erstwhile colleagues and students, they approach society through the text. This peculiarity is far from absolute. Nevertheless, much of the best critical social science and social theory is being done in humanities disciplines. Sociology, for instance, sought greater institutional authenticity by attempting to imitate and integrate the methods of the natural sciences. Disciplines such as English, comparative literature, womens studies, and media studies were concerned with culture as well as politics and thus were usual gathering points for faculty and students interested in the politics of culture. PART 2 Modern-day slavery breaches the basic right of all persons to life, freedom and the security of the person, and to be liberated from slavery in all its types. It weakens the rights of a child to grow in the protecting environment of a family and to be liberated from sexual maltreatment and abuse. Migration is some what Modern-day slavery that has become a main concern of government officials, political leaders, policymakers, and scholars, and many books and journal articles have been published on a diversity of topics related to migration comprising cultural change (Sowell, 1996), health (Loue, 1998), law (Weiner, 1995), mental health (Marsella, Bornemann, Ekblad, Orley, 1994), population movements and demographics, politics, urbanization, and the survival of human society. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) is conceivably the most noticeable international organization concerned with migration. However, the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, the UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), and the World Council of Churches, Refugees and Migration Services also have high visibility as policy, service, and research agencies. Other private agencies that have high visibility include Amnesty International, International Rescue Committee, Doctors Without Borders, Human Rights Watch, and the U. S. Committee on Refugees.

Genre Mixing in the Film South Park: Bigger, Longer, & Uncut :: essays research papers

Movies are often categorized by genres, which simply means kind or type. But most movies don’t fit into one single genre alone. Nowadays, it is common to see movies that are considered ‘horror’ and ‘science fiction’ like Signs or ‘romantic comedy’ and ‘fantasy’ like Groundhog Day (Film Art: An Introduction 109). The same is true for the movie South Park: Bigger, Longer & Uncut (South Park). South Park is a mixture of three different film genres. First of all, it is an animated film, filmed entirely of 2-dimensional cartoons. Second, it is a musical, incorporating song and dance into the story. And third, it is a comedy full of politically incorrect jokes and crude humor. These genres come together and mix flawlessly. Although animation is typically associated with kids’ movies, that is not the case with South Park. The 2-dimensional drawn animation in this movie is not to entertain kids, but more so to portray the opinions and thoughts of the writers (e.g.: the beady eyes and flopping heads of the Canadians). It also provides a convenient way of showing things that aren’t usually visible, like Hell, for example (Film Art: An Introduction 163). South Park, like other Hollywood musicals, celebrates typical American ideals like rewarding ambition and the romance in the film ending happily (Film Art: An Introduction 124). The musical component of the movie also increases the humor by making it even more out of control. With songs like â€Å"Blame Canada†, â€Å"Kyle’s Mom’s a Bitch† and â€Å"What Would Brian Boitano Do?†, each having its own dance number, the film removes all seriousness and makes the film a hoot. The comedy is non-stop in this movie. From politically incorrect jokes like making Satan and Saddam Hussein a gay couple to gross-out humor like a giant clitoris that talks to Stan, the movie is full of laughs from start to finish. There is no limit to where this film will go. It touched on abortion, war, racism, technology, faulty parenting and other social issues, but it did so in a crude way, leaving the audience feeling a sense of amusement.